分項計畫（1）「東亞儒學視域中的朝鮮《論語》學（II）」

黃俊傑（臺灣大學歷史學系特聘教授）

摘要

        朝鮮《論語》學」此一研究領域係全新領域，初步檢索尚無中英日韓文專書加以論述。本計畫在解明朝鮮《論語》學之內涵之後，將取之而置於廣袤的東亞儒學視野中衡斷其思想史之定位。在朝鮮儒者的《論語》學著作中，朝鮮儒者常常本《大學》解《論語》，展現朱子（1130-1200）《四書》學之思想進路，對中國歷代儒者之《論語》學著作亦有所吸納消融。

        本計畫首要目標，即在於徹底釐清朝鮮時代六百年間朝鮮儒者《論語》學之重要內容及其思想傾向，尤其集中在韓儒釋《論》時對朱子學之因襲與創新，從而有助於對朝鮮朱子學之瞭解。
　

        The study on the Korean interpretations of the Analects is a whole new academic field, which finds no relevant monographs whether in Chinese, English, Japanese or Korean. This project aims at elucidating the specific content of the Korean interpretations of the Analects, and then placing it within the broader context of East Asian Confucianism for further assessing its contribution. Prevailing in the Korean works on the Analects are interpretations based on the thought of the Great Learning, which foregrounds the way of thinking demonstrated in Zhu Xi’s study on the Four Books. Meanwhile, those different sources from Chinese tradition were also adopted, though to a limited degree, by the Korean scholars.

        The prime objective of this project is to clarify the crucial mode of thinking underlying the Korean studies on the Analects during a six-hundred-year period, with particular attention paid to the inheritance and innovation they undertake toward Zhu Xi’s thought. By doing this, the Korean studies on Zhu Xi can be comprehended more.
　

分項計畫（2）「 東亞儒耶交流中的經典與人物」

古偉瀛（臺灣大學歷史學系教授）

摘要

        在2006年8月至2008年7月兩年中，完成一個「東西文化交流－以天主教為中心」的東亞天主教比較研究架構之後，申請人認為能夠更進一步進行較細部且較接近儒學的分析，以日本、韓國及中國三地共通的，在當時一些較具影響力的儒耶交流重要典籍為切入點，以東亞三地與天主教有接觸的儒學家為分析對象，從事三年期的研究，期能撰為專書。

本計畫的三年進度規劃如下：

第一年(2008-2009)將對日本朱子學派中受到天主教影響的人士，及對當時流行的教會典籍，尤其是與儒學有關的天主教漢籍，進行研究。日本儒學與天主教相關的人物，初步選定為新井白石等朱子學者。典籍部分則如利瑪竇《天主實義》，龐迪我《七克》及艾儒略《三山論學記》等書，書籍本身就是儒耶匯通之後的一些成果，申請人擬就這些文獻中呈現的儒家經典，及其讀者對於這些典籍的詮釋，來深入理解儒耶交流的情況。

第二年(2009-2010)將目標轉移到韓國，以眾所週知的儒者，且被視為實學派的丁茶山（若鏞），為朝鮮儒耶交流的代表人物。此年之研究擬就丁氏對於儒家經典的理解中，有那些地方可以看出受到天主教的影響，並藉此深入了解韓國的中西交流情形。書籍方面則以《與猶堂全書》等為主，分析書中儒學思想與天主教觀念交流之處，尤其是其書對「天」的看法是否與天主教中的人格神「天主」相通以及是否有矛盾之處。

第三年(2010-2011)則以前兩年為基礎，與中國的天主教的儒學家及士人，及其閱讀的典籍中，與日韓相通之處，加以比較其異同，並分析其原因。以《天主實義》、《七克》及《三山論學記》等撰於中國的天主教書籍探討做基礎，而人物上則以中國奉教學者如徐光啟、楊廷筠或張星曜等的思想為主，探討其在各國所扮演的角色以及背後的原因。最後就東亞三國儒學者受西教影響之下的表現，進一步分析比較，並對各個不同時代、地區及學者個人的表現及發展，探討其前因後果，以期對整個東亞的儒耶交流有整體的了解。
　

        For the past two years, I have been involved in this project and tried to construct a comparative frame of reference for the research on the history of exchange between Christianity and Confucianism in East Asia. My major argument is that if we want to do serious research in this field, we have to view East Asia as a whole since so many people were interrelated, so many books were circulated around this area, and above all, religious organizations has long seen this area as a whole to form their policies toward it. If we merely focus on one country or a limited area, such as China or Japan, chances are that we might overlook a lot of important development of the exchange and the interrelationship concerning it. Consequently, a better understanding of the history of this exchange would be hard to achieve.

        On the basis of my former research, I now propose a three-year project. In the first year, I will identify the most popular religious books in early Tokugawa Japan, and the scholars who cherished or were opposed to the contents of those books. Especially True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven (Tianzhu Shiyi) by M. Ricci, The Seven Cardinal Sins and their Transcendence (Qi-ke) by Pantoja and Discussion on Learning by Scholars in Fujian (Sanshan Lunxue ji) by J. Alleni are to be examined. During the first year, I hope to be able to comprehend how and why these books were so popular at that time, and more importantly, how these books were related to Confucian classics. Also, I would look into the thinking of Arai Hakuseki, the famous scholar of the Zhuxi School. He, as is already known, was the one conversed with the famous prisoner Giovanni Battista Sidotti S. J. and published Xiyang Jiwen (Information about the Western Oceans). Studying Arai would reveal certain development and details about the Japo-Western cultural exchange.

        For the second year, I will switch my attention to Korea. The history of Korean Catholic church was very fascinating and distinguished from other Asian countries for its self-seeking and autonomous spirit. Chong Tasan stood out among the first converts. Despite his later alleged “back to Confucianism”, some still believed he kept his catholic beliefs to the end clandestinely. Fortunately, with the 16 volumes of omnibus entitled “Yu-yu-tang Quanji” (The Complete Collection of Yu-yu-tang) he left behind him, to clarify his religious adhesion will not be too difficult. It is a collection recorded all of his thoughts and provides sufficient materials for researches on his thinking. I would like to locate Tasan’s use of “tian” (Heaven) in this collection and find out whether his use of the word corresponds to the Christian meaning of “God”. In other words, if his use of “tian” often referred to the personal God in Christianity, it would be an adequate proof to claim that Tasan, not only influenced by Christian thinking, but also kept the belief throughout his life. This study would show us some of the features of the Korean Catholic faith as well.

        In the third year, I would focus on China, first to find out what, how and why the religious books were most widely read by the intellectuals of the time, and to see what and how the Confucian classics were cited by those religious works. The changes of the Confucian classics over time would be under careful inspection as well. For example, in the late Ming and early Qing, some classics such as the Book of Documents and the Classic of Poems were cited more often than any other books. As for scholars, the famous Chinese converts such as Xu Guangqi, Yang Tingyun or Zhang Xingyao were most likely to become the main objects of my research. These scholars will be discussed in comparative perspective and compare them with Japanese and Korean scholars, with special attention paid to the roles they played in their respective countries.

        In three years’ time, by examining the key books and scholars in East Asia, the goal of better understanding the cultural exchange in East Asia in general and the history of Christianity of these countries in particular can be accomplished.
　

分項計畫（3）「 從韓國的三禮著作探討韓國對華夏禮儀的融合與轉化」

葉國良（臺灣大學中國文學系特聘教授）

摘要

        東亞文化圈之禮俗有互相滲透之事實，因而考察華夏民族對異民族禮俗之接受、融和與轉化乃屬必要，考察異民族對華夏禮俗之接受、融和與轉化亦屬必要。蓋從此觀彼及從彼觀此，若均經研究，則雙方文化之差異與關係更能突顯。本計畫擬以韓國的三禮著作為研究範圍，因為這些著作均以華夏的三禮著作為討論對象，如此可以有對照的基準；至於韓國相關的史籍、文集則列為參考資料，以供佐證之用。

        研究方向是：依華夏古禮，將禮儀分為私禮、官禮兩部分，重視韓國學者對華夏禮儀特別重視或予以批評修改之處，並以韓國的文化和社會背景去了解其重視或批評的原因，以突顯其融合與轉化的痕跡；而非僅是介紹韓國禮學著作的內容。
　

        Etiquettes are inter-permeating in East Asian cultures. To comprehend the cultural relationship and differences in this area, it is necessary to study how the Chinese react and adapt to the manners from diverse cultures and how these cultures accept, combine, and transform Chinese etiquettes into their own. This project will focus on Korean writings on San Li, which serves as the basis of contrast, with related historical and literary writings as references.

        Concerning the ancient canons, the research will deal with official ceremonies and private manners, concentrating on Korean scholars’ criticism and modification of Chinese etiquettes. By interpreting the causes of their criticism and modification under the context of Korean culture and society, we might be able to follow the traces of the combination and the transformation therein. The research is more than an introduction to Korean etiquette writings.
　

分項計畫（4）「 朝鮮後期的『四端七情』之辯（II）」

李明輝（臺灣大學國家發展研究所合聘教授）

摘要

        「四端七情之辯」是朝鮮儒學史中最重要的一場辯論。最主要的辯論發生於李退溪（1501-1571）與奇高峰（1527-1572）、李栗谷（1536-1584）與成牛溪（1535-1598）之間。在此之後，此一辯論仍未中止。本計畫擬探討朝鮮後期的「四端七情之辯」。在第一階段，我已探討了丁時翰（1625- 1707）、李玄逸（1627-1704）與鄭齊斗（1649-1737）的觀點。在第二階段，我所選擇的代表人物為韓元震（號南塘，1682-1751）、李柬（號巍巖，1677-1727）、李瀷（號星湖，1681-1763）、丁若鏞（號茶山，1762-1836）與李恆老（號華西，1792-1868）五人。

        The “Four Beginnings-Seven Emotions Dispute” is the most important debate in the history of Korean Confucianism. This debate initially broke out between Yi T'oegye (1501-1571) and Ki Kobong (1527-1572) on the one side, and Yi Yulgok (1536-1584) and Song Ugye (1535-1598) on the other. From this time onwards, the debate persisted in the country without reconciliation. The present research project will examine this dispute on four beginnings and seven emotions in late Imperial Korea. At the first stage of this program, I have discussed the viewpoints of Chong Shihan (1625-1707), Yi Hyeonil (1627-1704), and Chung Chedu (1649-1737). At this stage, I’ve selected five representative figures for my research: Han Wonchin (1682-1751), Yi Kan (1677-1727), Yi Ik (1681-1763), Chong Yagyong (1762-1836), and Yi Hangno (1792-1868).

分項計畫（5）「 東亞《論語》學中的音樂美學」

陳昭瑛（臺灣大學中國文學系教授）

摘要

        本計畫以中日韓《論語》詮釋傳統中的所表現的音樂美學為研究焦點。《論語》中出現相當多的篇章涉及音樂。仁與樂、禮與樂的關係是《論語》中的關鍵議題。從《論語》中的孔子樂論到荀子的樂論再到《禮記•樂記》的樂論，我們可以看到一脈相傳的思想線索，表現出屬於儒家特有的，因此也是屬於東方特有的音樂理論，其中涵蓋一系列涉及音樂與宇宙論、政治學和社會學之關係的深刻論述。「美學」一詞雖是來自西文的aesthetics，按照其原意是指研究感性和藝術的學科，則儒家自不可能缺乏與此相應相當的學問。從儒家原典中關於音樂的論述以及後代學者對這些原典的解釋中析理出一套儒家的音樂美學不僅是可欲的，也是可能的。

        本計畫將在第一階段的「知音：儒家美學的認知與道德問題」研究計畫的基礎上，以《論語》為研究的經典，選取中日韓學者對《論語》中有關音樂的相關篇章的注釋作為分析對象。一方面探討不同的詮釋者的時代背景、文化認同和哲學立場對其詮釋工作的影響；另一方面，也嘗試從中日韓學者的各種見解中找尋屬於東方美學的共性。這一共性相對於西方美學可能是特性，也可能體現更高的共性。
　

        This project aims at elucidating the aesthetic implication in the interpretations of the chapters on music in the Analects provided by the East Asian Confucian scholars. The affluent legacy of aesthetic thoughts from the interpretations of the Analects deserves careful reading and profound investigation. The construction of “Confucian aesthetics of music” in the light of the Western aesthetics of music is not only desirable but also possible.

 
        The prime objective of this project is, on the one hand, to clarify the cultural identity and the philosophical stances underlying the interpretations of the Analects given by the East Asian scholars, and to explore the communion among these scholars on the other. In comparison with the Western aesthetics of music, Confucian aesthetics of music can be presented as the local knowledge with global significance.
　

分項計畫（6）「 古代東亞的「周禮國家」：儒教與王權之研究 」

甘懷真（臺灣大學歷史學系教授）

摘要

        本計畫是作為我近年探討東亞王權的研究課題的重要一環。東亞王權的特色是農業王權。表達這個農業王權理念的代表性典籍是《周禮》。故我們可以稱古代皇帝制度的政體形態為「周禮國家」。本計畫擬從《周禮》一書的詮釋與運用出發，說明其中以農業王權為主軸的相關學說如何成為中國皇帝制度的信念。其次，探討這套「以農立國」的農民與農業思想如何成為皇帝制度的政策，如戶令與屯田。再者，探討這套「周禮國家」的理念如何傳播到東亞諸國，主要是指日本列島與朝鮮半島上的諸國，尤其環繞在日本古代「律令制」的成立。最後，此計畫延續我前二年的「東亞王權與儒教：儒家經典詮釋中的祭祀國家原理」，希望能將東亞王權放在一個世界史的脈絡中，試著從禮制、農業與漢字的觀點，探討「世界帝國」的普遍性與中國、東亞的特殊性。

        The major object of this proposal is to figure out the polity of East Asian kingships. Since East Asian Empires, characterized by rural kingships, obtained their legitimacy from the discourse of Rites of Zhou, they can as well be defined as polities of Zhou-li. First, I will start with the argument of how Chinese Confucian scholars built up the discourse of rural kingship by appropriating the ideas of Rites of Zhou and other Confucian classics, such as Mencius. The second topic will be the dilemma of Chinese Emperorship and the explanations why rural society could not possibly exist by itself alone without the support of commerce. It would be interesting to illustrate how Chinese scholars used Confucian hermeneutics to assume the rural society and rural kingship. By summarizing the above-mentioned analyses, we could achieve a whole new perspective of Chinese history. Finally, I will focus on how the Japanese kingship applied the polity of Zhou-li in the making of their ancient empires. The project is divided into three stages—the Japanese kingship for the first stage, the Chinese kingship for the second, and for the last, the comparison between the two, re-exploration of the complex of Chineseness versus local knowledge in Ancient East Asia. Each of the stages takes approximately one year to accomplish.

分項計畫（7）「 東亞儒學視域中朝鮮丁若鏞之經學」

蔡振豐（臺灣大學中國文學系副教授）

摘要

        丁若鏞經學著作內容非常廣泛，涉及所有的四書六經。他不僅對黃宗羲、顧炎武、閻若璩、毛奇齡、徐乾學等中國學者十分熟悉，對於日本古學派儒者如伊藤仁齋、荻生徂徠、太宰春臺等，也有廣泛的涉獵和研究。在當前的研究中，學者普遍感受到，丁若鏞的經學早已超越了對於經典進行考證解釋的層次，而是他試圖以此作為依據，得出一套自己對於經世論的獨特見解。而這套見解如何反映到他的經學，便是現在需要進一步詳細探討的課題。

        另外，有鑑於當時東亞的知識份子大都將自己對政治、經濟等社會現實的看法反映到經學當中，以此顯露出自己的思想意識和立場。因此本計畫即欲針對丁若鏞關於經學的著作，進行全面縱觀和微觀的探討，並企圖從以下三個方向：(1)與日本古學派的關係；(2)與西學的關係；以及(3)與中國經學家的異同，觀察丁若鏞對此三者的態度，研究他如何融攝不同的概念，開創出自己新的學術體系；並且期待由此建構出丁若鏞整個經學思想體系的系統和他的詮釋方法；其次，在東亞儒學的視域下，檢視丁若鏞儒學新說朝向近代化發展的特性和意義。
　

        Korean Confucianist Chŏng Yagyong accomplished tremendous researches on Confucian classics, including the Four Books and Six Classics. It demonstrated his overall understanding of both the Chinese scholars and the Japanese Tokugaku Confucianists. The former includes Huang Zongxi, Gu Yanwu, Yan Ruoqu, Mao Qiling, Xu Qianxue, and the latter Ito Jinsai, Ogyu Sorai, Dazai Shundai, etc. Recent researches reflect his studies in Confucian classics has gone far beyond the philological level, and transformed into a foundation for his own political and economical thoughts. How these personal opinions of Chŏng Yagyong’s were reflected in his studies on Confucian classics is the focus of this research.
       

        In this project, Chong Yagyong’s Confucian classical studies will be investigated thoroughly from both microscopic and macroscopic perspectives. The focuses will be narrowed down to three aspects—the relationship of his studies with Tokugaku Confucianism, the relationship of his studies with Western Learning, and the differences between his studies and those of Chinese Confucianists. With careful investigation, we are able to comprehend how his intellectual system was constructed and how he applied the understanding of different concepts to his own system. Furthermore, I will look into the characteristics and meanings of his intellectual system in the context of modern development in Confucianism in East Asia.